| Burmese - Mon |
since 15th century
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| Kambaata - Wolaytta |
Before the present political system (before 1994)
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| Langi - Alagwa |
Now is the time of the most dense contact.
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| Papapana - Rotokas |
The timeframe when the largest number of people would have had the most opportunities for interaction would have been late-19th century to early 20th century. Bougainville was colonised before this, in 1884, but plantations weren't established there until 1908. Plantations were established near the Papapana-speaking village Teperoi from 1912. Before the arrival of Europeans, Papapana speakers mostly only had contact with neighbouring Rotokas speakers and therefore this would have been when Papapana and Rotokas speakers had the most opportunities for interaction in the local community.
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| Maltese - Sicilian (modern) |
From 1300 to the present, with highs in the period 1400 - 1800.
The densest period of time for contact between Malta and Sicily was from 1050 to around 1550, because political, social and economic ties were practically exclusive. From 1550 onwards such contacts with Italy increased, and ties with the UK began in 1800 but became strong from about 1850 and are strongest today. However, statistics and testimonies for the Sicilian period are scarce, with the result that most of my responses to the questionnaire concern the present time period (roughly the last decades) when contact with Sicily is still ongoing, albeit in a much wider international framework. As regards language, contact with Sicilian died out with the coming of the Knights of St John who introduced Italian, both as an official and a spoken language for the educated classes. Moreover, today the Sicilian dialect is never spoken with foreigners by the Sicilians themselves.
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| Maltese - Sicilian (historical) |
1300–1800. As in other domains, after 1800 contacts are in Italian.
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| Ndebele - Tjwao |
Although the Tjwa were previously in contact with the Ndebele and Kalanga people, they never lived side by side with them as the former lived a nomadic way of life.
When the British settlers arrived in the 1890s significant adjustments in Land Tenure and Administration happened between 1890 and 1896 (cf. Fleming 1974: 59). The British South Africa Company administrators of the future Rhodesia colony passed the Order in Council to create “native reserves”, with Gwaai and Shangani piloting the project. The colonial government continued to take land from the indigenous communities through various land and labour legislation. In 1898, the Department of Native Affairs was formed: it consisted of native commissioners whose duty was to control the indigenous people in everything they did. The native commissioners’ primary responsibility was to administer the Land Apportionment Act of 1931 and the Land Husbandry Act of 1951implementation. The Land Apportionment Act (cf. Land Apportionment Act, No. 30, 1930) divided the land into European and African reserves and forcibly removed the San people from the forest to which they were spiritually attached. The reserves assigned to the indigenous people were largely barren and marginal lands (cf. Wilson 1923: 88-89). According to Meredith (2002: 113), a decade after the arrival of the white colonists, approximately 16 million hectares had been taken by the colonial government from the indigenous people.
The Tjwa people were part of the indigenous people who were relocated to the reserves far away from the forest, depriving them of their foraging grounds and subsistence strategies. Hunting wildlife became illegal over the next few years and the colonial administrators established rules which forbade snaring, mass-driving, and the digging of game pits. Incidentally, those were the methods most in use among the Tjwa people when hunting. For the colonial government, hunting was not a means of subsistence but a “fair chase” exercise, more of a personal taste and not so much a pursuit of food, certainly not a way of life (Haynes 2014: 110).
The resettlement of the Africans from areas designated as ‘game reserves’ was implemented across the nation. The colonial government argued that human beings and wildlife could not live together. Barriers such as fences were used to protect wildlife from the indigenous people. When Wankie was declared a game reserve in 1928, the Tjwa people were not immediately evicted to the reserves. The resettlement of the indigenous people was formalised in the Land Apportionment Act of 1930. The game reserve was later upgraded to the status of the national parks in 1949.
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| Kwoma - Manambu |
Since the 1950s when the suppression by the national government of intertribal warfare made contact safe.
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| Korandje - North African Arabic |
mid 20th c.-present
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| FLNA-NLNA |
Since the 1980s.
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| Zaza - Turkish |
See KN 2 [QID: DKN0a]
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| Ipili - Hewa |
Pre-1930s. After this time the Ipili have moved further up valley away from Hewa communities.
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| Marind - Marori |
Not clear how big the Marori community was at its peak. It dwindled in size during the first half of 20th century but has increased in recent decades
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| Chipaya - Central Aymara |
1800-2020 AD.
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| Temoaya Otomi - Mexican Spanish |
Approximately 1980.
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| Mawng - Kunbarlang |
1600-1800
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| Alorese - Adang |
Local community interactions exclusively with the Adang and few other groups was more significant in the past, but it is probably more frequent today, because they are more proximate to each other
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| Santali - Bengali |
Since late 60s and early 70s of the last centuries when both the groups came in greater contact under the influence of the Leftist parties and its leaders.
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| Bade - Manga Kanuri |
Approx. from the 16th century till present.
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| Muak Sa-aak - Tau Lü |
About 50 years ago to the present.
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| Sibe - Uighur |
ca. 1860s - present
(ca. 150 years)
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| Toba - Spanish |
The time frame with the most opportunities for interaction began with the Conquest of the Gran Chaco and strengthened at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, when "reductions" were formed by the Argentine state (like the Napalpí reduction), with the intention of "civilizing the Indians" and extend the borders to the North. In that way, they gradually took hold of their territories.
As for urban communities, most opportunities of interaction have taken place since the 50's due to migrations. Contact is ongoing today.
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| Western Toba - Wichí |
In the first two decades of the 21th Century.
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| Paluai - Tok Pisin |
In the present day.
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| Nen - Idi |
Since villages were officially formed under the colonial administration in the mid 1960s. The Williams ethnography already mentions villages in the 1910-20s, so at least for the last 100 years people have been living in villages. Perhaps the population increase in the 20th century has also contributed to larger village units becoming a more typical form of local community. Today, people still spend a lot of time in their garden places, and we believe this may have been the more common form of local community prior to the village system (see Kashima 2020: 37-39). Garden places can consist of a couple of nuclear families (see answers in DLB)
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| Burarra - Yolngu Matha |
1600-1800. For certain subsections of the Burarra and Yolngu at least, this is likely to have been pre-colonially so again – the start date here is fairly arbitrary, it just delineates a usefully large chunk of time. The end date captures the arrival of British colonists in 1788 (colonial incursions into Arnhem Land were much later than their arrival in Australia). It's true though that post-colonially probably more Burarra people are involved in contact with Yolngu people (in Maningrida), but the contact is less direct I would say than in pre-colonial small multilingual communities.
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| South Saami - NorwegianSwedish |
From the Middle Ages and onwards until present day.
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| Kupwar Marathi - Kupwar Kannada |
Sale of agricultural land in Kupwar presumably increased from 1930s until 1990s. I reckon that the largest number of people had opportunities for interaction in the local community until agriculture was a major economic activity in Kupwar. These opportunities must have steadily declined from 1930s until the 1990s.
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| Yurok - Karuk |
1850-1950
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| Aleut - Eyak |
Again, prior to 1500 BP there would have been more regular and intensive contact, but the institution of slavery may have had much to do with subsequent interaction in the local community
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